By Elizabeth Sitotombe

THE Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) is in the eye of a storm following allegations that its two top executives secretly amended the ZimRights constitution, much to the chagrin of other senior staff.
According to sources privy to the goings-on at Alverston Court situated at 90 S. V. Muzenda Street, Harare — the rights body’s headquarters — national chairperson Takesure Musiyiwa and national director Dzikamai Bere unilaterally amended its constitution in February 2024.
Musiyiwa and Bere reportedly received support from several provincial chairpersons, notably Musa Moyo (Bulawayo), Liberty Nyadome (Mashonaland East) and Takawira Mashingaidze (Harare).
The existing ZimRights constitution stipulates that the board chair can only serve a maximum of two consecutive three-year terms. Musiyiwa is nearing the end of his term, as the last annual general meeting (AGM) was held in March 2022. This means another elective AGM is required by March 2025 to appoint a new board chair.
The terms of the three provincial chairpersons mentioned above are also due to end in March 2025, leading to speculation that they endorsed the constitutional amendments to prolong their own time in office.
However, the amendments did not go down with other staff members, including vice-chairman, Themba Chivheya.
According to our sources, Musiyiwa wields considerable influence over Bere, as he can mobilise provincial chairpersons to dismiss him, as his contract is contingent upon board approval.
The infighting among ZimRights bosses is, however, not new.
In 2020, Amnesty International took legal action against several former ZimRights bosses, including Musiyiwa, for allegedly misusing US$500 000 during their tenure. The alleged abuse of funds only came to light after the US government cut funding to ZimRights, citing concerns about potential financial misconduct.
According to The Patriot’s inside sources, a forensic audit conducted by Deloitte & Touche revealed discrepancies, including unaccounted for cash withdrawals, outstanding loans and unauthorised payments. Musiyiwa was specifically accused of improperly authorising and facilitating these transactions, as well as neglecting his oversight responsibilities as board chairperson.
Although Musiyiwa later sued Amnesty International for defamation, seeking to clear his name, the organisation stood by its claims.
The recent amendments to the ZimRights constitution appear to be designed to extend the terms of the current leadership until 2028, coinciding with anticipated grants from various international organisations, including the US Agency for International Development (USAID), the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA).
Within the broader civil society landscape, there are concerns about the accountability and transparency in the management of donor funds in light of suspected embezzlement and misappropriation of funds by top officials. Reports suggest a disturbing trend where funds intended for ‘grassroots activism’ and support end up benefitting a select few.
ZimRights, founded in 1993, prides itself on being Zimbabwe’s largest grassroots movement advocating ‘human rights’. It is a member of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, which has also been at the receiving end of criticism for its ‘closed door’ approach to governance and accountability.
This has, naturally, cast the spotlight on ZimRights’ Western backers who profess to be promoting democracy and human rights, while pursuing agendas that align more closely with foreign interests than with the welfare of the local population.
For instance, OSISA collaborates with various organisations on diverse issues related to the ‘rule of law’, ‘democracy’ building, ‘human rights’, ‘economic development’, education and media. However, it is a bedfellow of the Open Society Foundation (OSF) of the Soros Foundation, which is known for promoting anti-government agendas worldwide.
On the other hand, USAID — established in 1961— aims to win the ‘hearts and minds’ of citizens in developing countries through civic action and economic assistance. Nonetheless, its reputation has been sullied by allegations of engaging in regime change operations in various countries.
Critics argue that recipients of USAID funding have many times been involved in destabilising democratically elected governments, raising questions about its true intentions.
Founded in 1983, NED claims to promote democracy globally by funding NGOs to advance ‘democratic’ goals. However, like USAID, it has been pilloried for its behind-the-scenes role in promoting foreign political interests at the expense of local governance.
The battle to win the hearts of these ‘humanitarian’ donor organisations comes at a time the previously hostile West is warming up to the Second Republic’s engagement and re-engagement drive.
 For example, the United States is desperately wooing Harare through the partial lifting of sanctions while the European Union (EU) and the UK have softened their stance on Zimbabwe’s leadership.
However, observers are baffled by the continued funding of ‘NGOs’ opposed to the Government since their donations only serve to fuel corruption, which is now endemic in the so-called civic society movement.
As ZimRights grapples with its internal conflicts, the question remains: Will the so-called democracy funders continue to overlook the mismanagement of their funds?